Photo credited to The New York Times: 'Assault in Gaza, Day 12'
The impact of the conflict in Gaza on the civilians and soldiers involved remains severe. The conflict has had serious humanitarian, medical, economic and industrial consequences for the region - especially since the 2008-09 Gaza War. This has accelerated the deterioration of the land and greatly contributed to “teaching of hate and dehumanisation by each side against the other ... [leading] to the destabilisation of the whole region”.[1] As the United Nation’s High Commissioner’s report observes, Gaza is home to “gross violations of international human rights law and serious breaches of international humanitarian law by both Israel and Hamas”.[2] Such reports however, have been roundly criticised by the Israeli Defence Force (IDF), which claims that “anyone who is involved with terrorism within Hamas is a valid target. This ranges from the strictly military institutions and includes the political institutions that provide the logistical funding and human resources for the terrorist arm”.[3] This broad definition of a ‘legitimate military target’ adopted by the IDF unfortunately allows it to “associate individuals who are only indirectly or peripherally involved”[4] in the conflict. Moreover it provides a very different perspective and conclusion when examining the effects of the conflict, particularly on civilians, to that obtained by NGO’s or the UN. Thus the conflict becomes not only confrontational on the ground level, but also at the international level of diplomacy and cooperation.
The Gaza Trade Ban
Since 2006, Gaza has been subject to tight restrictions on the import and export of a wide range of goods, imposed upon it by Israel, along with a similar trade ban applied by Egypt (See Impact of the Conflict on Regional Developments). While Israel has occassionally shifted the extent and subjects of the restrictions,[5] such restrictions have generally been quite severe, and many much needed materials or supplies such as electricity or medical aid are simply not allowed into the territory. The trade restrictions have had a number of effects on the lives of Gaza citizens:
Much of the damage done by Israel's incursions into the region can not be repaired. For example, glass and aluminum have been subject to tight restrictions or complete bans for much of the time since the 2008/09 conflict, meaning that few broken windows have been able to be replaced.
There was a shortage of medical supplies and equipment, meaning that many civilians in hospital died unnecessarily, or were unable to leave Gaza for treatment. Israel loosened limitations on humanitarian medical aid going into Gaza in the wake of the 2008/09 war, however, the Red Cross has argued that the overall supply of medical equipment in the Gaza is still hugely insufficient.[6]
The Gaza economy has been crippled by the blockade due to the inability to export or import the materials needed for manufacturing. Gaza employment was at about 41.5% as of Q1 2009.[7]
As a result of the trade impasse, smuggling through tunnels beneath the Egypt/Gaza border has become widespread, to the point where the smuggling has been the dominant source of many goods. This has led to huge premiums being applied to the costs of such goods - with additional 'surcharges'
going to tunnel operators to smuggle items such as cars - further inhibiting infustructure and the quality of life in Gaza.
Casualties to date
Reports of civilian and combatant deaths as a result of the Gaza War vary greatly. Estimates are complicated by a number of factors. firstly, lack of independent access to the conflict zone as a result of Israel’s strict border blockade;[8] secondly, it was reported that Hamas fighters had been ordered not to wear military uniforms during the 2008/2009 conflict;[9] and thirdly, different organisations applied differing definitions of ‘combatant’ in determining the classification of casualties. For instance, as a result of Israel’s classification of all police as ‘combatants’ rather than as civilians,[10] their civilian casualty estimate is less than half that of B’Tselem (an Israeli human rights NGO) and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights.
Source: BBC News
Sources: Israeli army, B'Tselem, PCHR, PMOH
The huge disparity in civilian casualty statistics has led several human rights groups to accuse Israel of severely underestimating Gaza deaths and of engaging in illegal, or at least seriously questionable, tactics.[11] Although B’Tselem acknowledged that Israel were involved in a complex battle, often in densely populated areas against armed groups that seek refuge within the civilian population, this ‘could not legitimise such extensive harm to civilians by a state committed to the rule of law.’[12]
The hugely disproportionate nature of Israeli-Palestinian casualties is also a cause for concern. B’Tselem estimates 3000 Palestinians were killed by Israeli security forces between September 2000 and December 2008,[13] suggesting that almost 4500 Palestinians (civilian and combatant) have been killed by IDF personnel since 2000. The equivalent IDF figure for the combined period stands at just 149.[14]
The Humanitarian Crisis
The issue of proportionality which the IDF spokesman Captain Benjamin Rutland refers to is one which has considerable implications for the civilians in the Gaza Strip. Despite his statement that the military advantage of attacking a hospital would be outweighed by the collateral damage upon civilians,[15]when fighting took place in highly populated areas during the Gaza War specifically and the borders were sealed, “there was almost no safe space in Gaza ... civilians had no place to flee, and bore the brunt of the fighting”.[16]It is difficult to determine the exact number of casualties suffered by the Palestinians since the conflict, however according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health figures, during the Gaza War 2008-2009 alone 1,326 Palestinian civilians were killed including an estimated 430 children and 110 women. 5,450 Palestinians were also injured, including 1,855 children and 795 women.[17]However locals maintain that the IDF’s statement claiming to “act ethically and in accord with international law”,[18]is blatantly false – two medics interviewed by JourneyMan News describe an experience whilst attempting to help wounded: “as we drove away in the ambulance they continued to fire directly at us. Our colleague’s bodies were thrown all over the place”.[19]Other's claim to have been "forced...from their house at gun-point"[20] , by the Israeli Army, who took them as human shields "because they were scared of getting shot at by the resistance, so if they were shot at, the bullets would hit us and not them"[21] . Although these claims have been denied by the IDF, the activist group 'Breaking the Silence' has published Israeli soldier testimonies admitting that "in some cases the civilian would be forced to walk in front of a soldier while the soldier placed the gun barrel on the civilian's shoulder"[22] . As previously mentioned, the UN has likewise stated to the IDF that Hamas is also responsible for breaches of international humanitarian law. As the the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs claims, Hamas terrorised Israeli citizens through rocket and mortar attacks, using Palestinian civilians, in addition to U.N. schools, hospitals, governmental and religious facilities, to cover its operations[23] . Nonetheless, the collateral damage created by Israel in comparison to Hamas and the Israeli death toll as confirmed by the IDF and B'Tselem during the conflict, amounting to 13 Israelis, is overlly disproportionate.
Internally Displaced People
According to the United Nations, 2009 was one of the most violent periods experienced by the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank since the occupation began in 1967 .[24] The "IDMC considers Palestinians who have been forcibly displaced from their homes in Gaza and the West Bank, and who have remained in the OPT (Occupied Palestinian Territory), to be internally displaced people (IDPs)"[25] . From 1967 until 2008 approximately 129 000 people are IDPs, an additional 100 000 during the Gaza offensive, with an approximately 20 000 still displaced since November 2009 in Gaza, according to the UN Office for Cooperation of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Moreover, 90 000 Palestinians remain at risk of displacement, a number which has been increasing since the second intifada in 2000.[26]
Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) - Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, OPT Population Figures and Profile
A white-phosphorous munition exploding over a built-up area of Gaza
Israel's use of Dangerous Weapons
The IDF has also been accused of using dangerous weapons such as white phosphorous, flechette missiles and radioactive munitions during the Gaza War, raising further concerns for Palestinian citizens and soldiers.[27] Although white phosphorous is not currently proscribed under international law it can cause serious and sometimes untreatable burns. In the wake of the Gaza War the UN's Goldstone Report was scathing of the IDF's employment of these weapons, finding that their use had been ‘systematically reckless ... in built-up areas.’[28] A conclusion of this report was that the use of White Phosphorous should be banned, even as an obscurant,[29] a view shared by many International Humanitarian Law proponents.[30]
The alarming increase in health problems, birth defects and blood cancers since the Gaza War,[31] as well as the discovery of traces of depleted uranium in wounded residents and soldiers,[32] has also led to speculation that Israel used radioactive munitions during the campaign. According to Dr Mohammed Abu Shaban, the director of the Blood Tumours Department in Al-Rantisy Hospital in Gaza, his department had already seen 55 cases of blood cancer by March 2010 (three months), up from the normal 20 to 25 cases normally seen in an entire year.[33] The United Nations is currently investigating these claims although Israel has denied any use of depleted-uranium munitions.[34] Israel also initially denied its use of white phosphorous during the Gaza War but later acknowledged that it had used such munitions.[35]
Israeli soldiers speaking out
Allegations of human rights abuses and war crimes are not limited to NGOs. Since the first intifada there have been numerous documented cases of soldiers refusing to serve in Gaza as a result of, amongst other things, the conduct of the IDF.[36] In recent years, numerous Israeli soldiers have also come forward and spoken out about the IDF’s treatment of Palestinians during the Gaza War. These soldiers have described how the IDF used Gazans as human shields, improperly fired incendiary white phosphorous shells over civilian areas and used overwhelming firepower that caused needless deaths and destruction.[37] As one soldier told Breaking the Silence, an Isreali NGO set up by ex-IDF personnel to voice these soldiers concerns: “There were no rules of engagement. The only rules of engagement were to shoot[38] ... We were told there were no innocents, everyone is the enemy.”[39]
Although the IDF claims to have investigated these allegations, numerous Israeli human rights groups have labelled such investigations as ineffective and have called for an independent nonpartisan investigative body to be established.[40] Where soldiers are found to have violated the rules of war, the IDF’s general approach is to deal with these instances as ‘exceptional cases’ of ‘deviant soldiers’, not representative of general IDF conduct.[41] In such cases it has been suggested that the army uses these soldiers as scapegoats to ‘clean’ and reinstate the IDFs moral image. This appears to have been the case recently for two IDF soldiers who were found guilty of ‘overstepping authority’ by using a child as a human shield to check for explosives. As staff sergeant A told Ynet News: ‘I feel hurt and betrayed; they stabbed me in the back after what I gave to the country. The Army was looking for someone to blame for the whole world to see and chose soldiers who did nothing wrong.’[42]
Many of the soldiers who spoke out to Breaking the Silence are concerned that these cases are not simply instances of exceptional or deviant behaviour, but are reflective of a gradual erosion of ethics in the military and in Israeli society as a whole.[43] As one soldier states: “acts that were defined yesterday as ‘exceptional’ become the norms of tomorrow.”[44] This could have a heavy price for Israeli society according to Zic Mavari, “a price that will influence our future in [Israel] and may well be higher than the price of terrorist attacks.”[45]
PTSD and Israel’s Drug Generation
Soldiers often suffer from mental illnesses - especially post-traumatic stress disorder - as a result of their experiences in war and may turn to drugs in order to deal with the trauma suffered. Post-traumatic stress disorder is a psychological disorder affecting individuals who have experienced or witnessed profoundly traumatic events, such as torture, murder, rape or wartime combat. Diagnostic symptoms for PTSD include re-experiencing the original trauma through flashbacks or nightmares, avoidance of associated stimuli and increased arousal (such as difficulty falling or staying asleep, anger, and hypervigilance)[46] It has been suggested that roughly 10% of IDF soldiers contract PTSD during their service.[47] Although the disorder is clearly not limited to Israeli soldiers involved in the Gaza conflict, the fact that the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) officially recognises PTSD[48] means that it is more readily identified and discussed than cases of PTSD amongst Palestinian armed forces. Acknowledgement by the IDF is only one part of the solution however, and the lack of physical injuries has meant that Israeli society still has yet to come to grips with the disorder as a form of disability.[49]
One of the ways that many Israeli service personnel deal with PTSD and other associated war traumas is by travelling following their 3 year service period. After receiving their 15,000 shekel (approximately $4000 USD) discharge bonus many former IDF members travel to India and turn to drugs in an attempt to deal with and overcome their service experiences and PTSD symptoms.[50] According to “Flipping Out”, a documentary produced by Yoav Shamir, approximately 90% [of these service personnel] will use drugs during their stay and each year some two thousand of them will need professional help due to drug abuse.[51] The problem has got to such an extent that the Israeli Drug Authority has opened and continues to sponsor several Israeli drug rehabilitation centres in Goa and the Himalayan mountain region.[52]
Palestinians serving in the IDF
There are currently thought to be approximately 5000 Palestinian citizens volunteering to serve in the Israeli military.[53] Such service is a very complicated issue, both for the soldiers themselves and for Israeli and Palestinian societies. Not least of all because such service gives these soldiers dual and contradictory roles as, at differing times, both the victim and the victimiser.
Many rationales are provided by Palestinian IDF soldiers for their involvement and participation in the IDF. Some suggest that it allows them to ‘speak with a full mouth against Israeli policies of discrimination’.[54] Others cite their presence in the IDF as providing a tempering effect on attitudes towards and treatment of Palestinian nationals by the IDF; as ensuring a ‘kindler and gentler military force’.[55] Others justify their involvement in the IDF as a consequence of the centrality of militarism in Israeli society. In this respect, for these soldiers military service is a means of attaining equality in Israel, upgrading their citizenship from second to first class so that they can access jobs, state land, educational subsidies and low-interest loans unavailable to their non-serving brethren.[56]
Involvement in the IDF has many repercussions for Palestinian nationals however and their involvement tends to lead to them being ostracised and marginalised by Palestinian and Israeli societies alike. Although some Palestinians see these soldiers as victims of Israel and rationalise their involvement in the IDF as a result of their victimisation, exploitation and duping by the state,[57] the common view among Palestinians is that they are ‘sons of prostitutes’[58] and ‘traitors who sell themselves for a cheap price’.[59] As a consequence they are marginalised by Palestinian society. Indeed during the first intifada Palestinians in the occupied territories often took severe measures against those suspected of questionable loyalties or of ‘collaboration’ with the enemy. The Associated Press reported that 777 Palestinians were killed by other Palestinians on suspicion or collaboration between 1987 and 1993.[60]
Service in the IDF does not create or secure a place for these Palestinians within Israeli society however. Although such service ‘upgrades’ their citizenship in some regards it by no means elevates them to the level of ‘Jew’. Even in their uniform they are distrusted by the Israeli community on the basis that they could be ‘from the West Bank but in disguise.’[61] The existence of glass ceilings also indicates that they are also distrusted by the military: Palestinian soldiers are not promoted to the same level as their Jewish brethren, they are tracked into slower promotional paths and they are forced to prove themselves because they are Arabs.[62] Further, Palestinian applicants with relatives in the occupied territories (such as Gaza) are automatically rejected by the military for IDF service.[63]
^ Philippe Sands, Professor of International Law at University College London, BBC News - Middle East, Gaza conflict: Who is a civilian?, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7811386.stm>.
^ For example see: Mark Cantora, 'Israel and White Phosphorus During Operation Cast Lead: A Case Study in Adherence to Inadequate Humanitarian Laws,' vol. 13, no. 1, 2010, Gonzaga Journal of International Law, <http://www.gonzagajil.org/content/view/194/26/>.
^ Ruth Linn, ‘When the Individual Soldier Says ‘No’ to War: A Look at Selective Refusal During the Intifada’, Vol. 33, No. 4, 1996, Journal of Peace Research, retrieved 22 April 2010, JSTOR database.
^ Defence Minister Ehud Barak, BBC News - Middle East, Israel troops admit gaza abuses, retrieved 22 April 2010, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7952603.stm>; Ziv Maveri, Shovrimshtika, Exceptional cases? It would be better if Israeli society would open its eyes and face up to what is happening, retrieved 22 April 2010, <http://www.shovrimshtika.org/article_e.asp?id=16>.
^ Shovrimshtika, Breaking the Silence - Israeli soldiers talk about the occupied territories, Breaking the Silence - Women Soldiers' Testimonies, p. 6, <http://www.shovrimshtika.org/UserFiles/Filewomen2009eng.pdf>; Ziv Maveri, Shovrimshtika, Exceptional cases? It would be better if Israeli society would open its eyes and face up to what is happening, retrieved 22 April 2010, <http://www.shovrimshtika.org/article_e.asp?id=16>.
^ Shovrimshtika, Breaking the Silence - Israeli soldiers talk about the occupied territories, Breaking the Silence - Women Soldiers' Testimonies, p. 6, <http://www.shovrimshtika.org/UserFiles/Filewomen2009eng.pdf>.
^ Ziv Maveri, Shovrimshtika, Exceptional cases? It would be better if Israeli society would open its eyes and face up to what is happening, retrieved 22 April 2010, <http://www.shovrimshtika.org/article_e.asp?id=16>.
^ Rhoda Kanaaneh, 'Boys or Men? Duped or ‘made’? Palestinian soldiers in the Israeli military', Vol. 32, No. 2, 2005, p. 263, American Ethnologist, retrieved 10 April 2010, JSTOR database.
Impacts on Citizens and Soldiers
The impact of the conflict in Gaza on the civilians and soldiers involved remains severe. The conflict has had serious humanitarian, medical, economic and industrial consequences for the region - especially since the 2008-09 Gaza War. This has accelerated the deterioration of the land and greatly contributed to “teaching of hate and dehumanisation by each side against the other ... [leading] to the destabilisation of the whole region”.[1] As the United Nation’s High Commissioner’s report observes, Gaza is home to “gross violations of international human rights law and serious breaches of international humanitarian law by both Israel and Hamas”.[2] Such reports however, have been roundly criticised by the Israeli Defence Force (IDF), which claims that “anyone who is involved with terrorism within Hamas is a valid target. This ranges from the strictly military institutions and includes the political institutions that provide the logistical funding and human resources for the terrorist arm”.[3] This broad definition of a ‘legitimate military target’ adopted by the IDF unfortunately allows it to “associate individuals who are only indirectly or peripherally involved”[4] in the conflict. Moreover it provides a very different perspective and conclusion when examining the effects of the conflict, particularly on civilians, to that obtained by NGO’s or the UN. Thus the conflict becomes not only confrontational on the ground level, but also at the international level of diplomacy and cooperation.
The Gaza Trade Ban
Since 2006, Gaza has been subject to tight restrictions on the import and export of a wide range of goods, imposed upon it by Israel, along with a similar trade ban applied by Egypt (See Impact of the Conflict on Regional Developments). While Israel has occassionally shifted the extent and subjects of the restrictions,[5] such restrictions have generally been quite severe, and many much needed materials or supplies such as electricity or medical aid are simply not allowed into the territory. The trade restrictions have had a number of effects on the lives of Gaza citizens:As a result of the trade impasse, smuggling through tunnels beneath the Egypt/Gaza border has become widespread, to the point where the smuggling has been the dominant source of many goods. This has led to huge premiums being applied to the costs of such goods - with additional 'surcharges'
going to tunnel operators to smuggle items such as cars - further inhibiting infustructure and the quality of life in Gaza.
Casualties to date
Reports of civilian and combatant deaths as a result of the Gaza War vary greatly. Estimates are complicated by a number of factors. firstly, lack of independent access to the conflict zone as a result of Israel’s strict border blockade;[8] secondly, it was reported that Hamas fighters had been ordered not to wear military uniforms during the 2008/2009 conflict;[9] and thirdly, different organisations applied differing definitions of ‘combatant’ in determining the classification of casualties. For instance, as a result of Israel’s classification of all police as ‘combatants’ rather than as civilians,[10] their civilian casualty estimate is less than half that of B’Tselem (an Israeli human rights NGO) and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights.The huge disparity in civilian casualty statistics has led several human rights groups to accuse Israel of severely underestimating Gaza deaths and of engaging in illegal, or at least seriously questionable, tactics.[11] Although B’Tselem acknowledged that Israel were involved in a complex battle, often in densely populated areas against armed groups that seek refuge within the civilian population, this ‘could not legitimise such extensive harm to civilians by a state committed to the rule of law.’[12]
The hugely disproportionate nature of Israeli-Palestinian casualties is also a cause for concern. B’Tselem estimates 3000 Palestinians were killed by Israeli security forces between September 2000 and December 2008,[13] suggesting that almost 4500 Palestinians (civilian and combatant) have been killed by IDF personnel since 2000. The equivalent IDF figure for the combined period stands at just 149.[14]
The Humanitarian Crisis
The issue of proportionality which the IDF spokesman Captain Benjamin Rutland refers to is one which has considerable implications for the civilians in the Gaza Strip. Despite his statement that the military advantage of attacking a hospital would be outweighed by the collateral damage upon civilians,[15] when fighting took place in highly populated areas during the Gaza War specifically and the borders were sealed, “there was almost no safe space in Gaza ... civilians had no place to flee, and bore the brunt of the fighting”.[16] It is difficult to determine the exact number of casualties suffered by the Palestinians since the conflict, however according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health figures, during the Gaza War 2008-2009 alone 1,326 Palestinian civilians were killed including an estimated 430 children and 110 women. 5,450 Palestinians were also injured, including 1,855 children and 795 women.[17] However locals maintain that the IDF’s statement claiming to “act ethically and in accord with international law”,[18] is blatantly false – two medics interviewed by JourneyMan News describe an experience whilst attempting to help wounded: “as we drove away in the ambulance they continued to fire directly at us. Our colleague’s bodies were thrown all over the place”.[19] Other's claim to have been "forced...from their house at gun-point"[20] , by the Israeli Army, who took them as human shields "because they were scared of getting shot at by the resistance, so if they were shot at, the bullets would hit us and not them"[21] . Although these claims have been denied by the IDF, the activist group 'Breaking the Silence' has published Israeli soldier testimonies admitting that "in some cases the civilian would be forced to walk in front of a soldier while the soldier placed the gun barrel on the civilian's shoulder"[22] . As previously mentioned, the UN has likewise stated to the IDF that Hamas is also responsible for breaches of international humanitarian law. As the the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs claims, Hamas terrorised Israeli citizens through rocket and mortar attacks, using Palestinian civilians, in addition to U.N. schools, hospitals, governmental and religious facilities, to cover its operations[23] . Nonetheless, the collateral damage created by Israel in comparison to Hamas and the Israeli death toll as confirmed by the IDF and B'Tselem during the conflict, amounting to 13 Israelis, is overlly disproportionate.
Internally Displaced People
According to the United Nations, 2009 was one of the most violent periods experienced by the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank since the occupation began in 1967 .[24] The "IDMC considers Palestinians who have been forcibly displaced from their homes in Gaza and the West Bank, and who have remained in the OPT (Occupied Palestinian Territory), to be internally displaced people (IDPs)"[25] . From 1967 until 2008 approximately 129 000 people are IDPs, an additional 100 000 during the Gaza offensive, with an approximately 20 000 still displaced since November 2009 in Gaza, according to the UN Office for Cooperation of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Moreover, 90 000 Palestinians remain at risk of displacement, a number which has been increasing since the second intifada in 2000.[26]
The alarming increase in health problems, birth defects and blood cancers since the Gaza War,[31] as well as the discovery of traces of depleted uranium in wounded residents and soldiers,[32] has also led to speculation that Israel used radioactive munitions during the campaign. According to Dr Mohammed Abu Shaban, the director of the Blood Tumours Department in Al-Rantisy Hospital in Gaza, his department had already seen 55 cases of blood cancer by March 2010 (three months), up from the normal 20 to 25 cases normally seen in an entire year.[33] The United Nations is currently investigating these claims although Israel has denied any use of depleted-uranium munitions.[34] Israel also initially denied its use of white phosphorous during the Gaza War but later acknowledged that it had used such munitions.[35]
Israeli soldiers speaking out
Allegations of human rights abuses and war crimes are not limited to NGOs. Since the first intifada there have been numerous documented cases of soldiers refusing to serve in Gaza as a result of, amongst other things, the conduct of the IDF.[36] In recent years, numerous Israeli soldiers have also come forward and spoken out about the IDF’s treatment of Palestinians during the Gaza War. These soldiers have described how the IDF used Gazans as human shields, improperly fired incendiary white phosphorous shells over civilian areas and used overwhelming firepower that caused needless deaths and destruction.[37] As one soldier told Breaking the Silence, an Isreali NGO set up by ex-IDF personnel to voice these soldiers concerns: “There were no rules of engagement. The only rules of engagement were to shoot[38] ... We were told there were no innocents, everyone is the enemy.”[39]Although the IDF claims to have investigated these allegations, numerous Israeli human rights groups have labelled such investigations as ineffective and have called for an independent nonpartisan investigative body to be established.[40] Where soldiers are found to have violated the rules of war, the IDF’s general approach is to deal with these instances as ‘exceptional cases’ of ‘deviant soldiers’, not representative of general IDF conduct.[41] In such cases it has been suggested that the army uses these soldiers as scapegoats to ‘clean’ and reinstate the IDFs moral image. This appears to have been the case recently for two IDF soldiers who were found guilty of ‘overstepping authority’ by using a child as a human shield to check for explosives. As staff sergeant A told Ynet News: ‘I feel hurt and betrayed; they stabbed me in the back after what I gave to the country. The Army was looking for someone to blame for the whole world to see and chose soldiers who did nothing wrong.’[42]
Many of the soldiers who spoke out to Breaking the Silence are concerned that these cases are not simply instances of exceptional or deviant behaviour, but are reflective of a gradual erosion of ethics in the military and in Israeli society as a whole.[43] As one soldier states: “acts that were defined yesterday as ‘exceptional’ become the norms of tomorrow.”[44] This could have a heavy price for Israeli society according to Zic Mavari, “a price that will influence our future in [Israel] and may well be higher than the price of terrorist attacks.”[45]
PTSD and Israel’s Drug Generation
Soldiers often suffer from mental illnesses - especially post-traumatic stress disorder - as a result of their experiences in war and may turn to drugs in order to deal with the trauma suffered. Post-traumatic stress disorder is a psychological disorder affecting individuals who have experienced or witnessed profoundly traumatic events, such as torture, murder, rape or wartime combat. Diagnostic symptoms for PTSD include re-experiencing the original trauma through flashbacks or nightmares, avoidance of associated stimuli and increased arousal (such as difficulty falling or staying asleep, anger, and hypervigilance)[46] It has been suggested that roughly 10% of IDF soldiers contract PTSD during their service.[47] Although the disorder is clearly not limited to Israeli soldiers involved in the Gaza conflict, the fact that the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) officially recognises PTSD[48] means that it is more readily identified and discussed than cases of PTSD amongst Palestinian armed forces. Acknowledgement by the IDF is only one part of the solution however, and the lack of physical injuries has meant that Israeli society still has yet to come to grips with the disorder as a form of disability.[49]One of the ways that many Israeli service personnel deal with PTSD and other associated war traumas is by travelling following their 3 year service period. After receiving their 15,000 shekel (approximately $4000 USD) discharge bonus many former IDF members travel to India and turn to drugs in an attempt to deal with and overcome their service experiences and PTSD symptoms.[50] According to “Flipping Out”, a documentary produced by Yoav Shamir, approximately 90% [of these service personnel] will use drugs during their stay and each year some two thousand of them will need professional help due to drug abuse.[51] The problem has got to such an extent that the Israeli Drug Authority has opened and continues to sponsor several Israeli drug rehabilitation centres in Goa and the Himalayan mountain region.[52]
Palestinians serving in the IDF
There are currently thought to be approximately 5000 Palestinian citizens volunteering to serve in the Israeli military.[53] Such service is a very complicated issue, both for the soldiers themselves and for Israeli and Palestinian societies. Not least of all because such service gives these soldiers dual and contradictory roles as, at differing times, both the victim and the victimiser.Many rationales are provided by Palestinian IDF soldiers for their involvement and participation in the IDF. Some suggest that it allows them to ‘speak with a full mouth against Israeli policies of discrimination’.[54] Others cite their presence in the IDF as providing a tempering effect on attitudes towards and treatment of Palestinian nationals by the IDF; as ensuring a ‘kindler and gentler military force’.[55] Others justify their involvement in the IDF as a consequence of the centrality of militarism in Israeli society. In this respect, for these soldiers military service is a means of attaining equality in Israel, upgrading their citizenship from second to first class so that they can access jobs, state land, educational subsidies and low-interest loans unavailable to their non-serving brethren.[56]
Involvement in the IDF has many repercussions for Palestinian nationals however and their involvement tends to lead to them being ostracised and marginalised by Palestinian and Israeli societies alike. Although some Palestinians see these soldiers as victims of Israel and rationalise their involvement in the IDF as a result of their victimisation, exploitation and duping by the state,[57] the common view among Palestinians is that they are ‘sons of prostitutes’[58] and ‘traitors who sell themselves for a cheap price’.[59] As a consequence they are marginalised by Palestinian society. Indeed during the first intifada Palestinians in the occupied territories often took severe measures against those suspected of questionable loyalties or of ‘collaboration’ with the enemy. The Associated Press reported that 777 Palestinians were killed by other Palestinians on suspicion or collaboration between 1987 and 1993.[60]
Service in the IDF does not create or secure a place for these Palestinians within Israeli society however. Although such service ‘upgrades’ their citizenship in some regards it by no means elevates them to the level of ‘Jew’. Even in their uniform they are distrusted by the Israeli community on the basis that they could be ‘from the West Bank but in disguise.’[61] The existence of glass ceilings also indicates that they are also distrusted by the military: Palestinian soldiers are not promoted to the same level as their Jewish brethren, they are tracked into slower promotional paths and they are forced to prove themselves because they are Arabs.[62] Further, Palestinian applicants with relatives in the occupied territories (such as Gaza) are automatically rejected by the military for IDF service.[63]